Saturday, December 28, 2024

Letters to a Young Journalist

“I live my life in widening circles that reach out across the world.” —Rainer Maria Rilke

In the 1960s, like many of the other young men around me, the prospect of being drafted and sent to Vietnam and fight in a war I didn’t believe in terrified me. And that prospect made some of us very angry as well.

When I was a freshman in college, a small but insistent minority of students protested against the war and organized to convince more of us to join their ranks. At the same time, other students were joining in civil rights marches led by Martin Luther King and others and wanted to do something about racism in our society.

Our the four years I was in school, the ranks of students willing to join the antiwar and civil rights demonstrations grew considerably until it felt like we were in the majority, though mathematically that was never the case. We were, however, in the words of the writer Jack Newfield, “A Prophetic Minority.”

Other movements emerged, led by feminist, LBGTQ and environmental activists. Since we were young, we underestimated how difficult it would be to achieve the fundamental changes we sought. We met plenty of resistance, which only made us angrier and more determined to fight for change.

In those years, I read everything I could find about all of these issues and participated in protests for a while, though as I was finding my way as a journalist, increasingly I began covering the demonstrations rather than take part in them.

Our generation didn’t necessarily see a conflict between activism and journalism at first, although as we grew older and more experienced our attitudes evolved. By twenty years after my graduation, many media executives were actively prohibiting student journalists and young reporters from even attending demonstrations —to avoid any appearance of bias or conflict on contentious issues.

Those with my type of history were not happy about this but we gradually adapted and recommended that our interns and students and new hires make a difficult ethical choice. We told them if they wanted to be successful journalists they had to guard their credibility by not openly demonstrating. Otherwise they would be seen as partisans, which might end up limiting their career options.

Fast forward to today when the partisan divide is much deeper and more fractious than it was in the past. In addition, the incoming President has made it clear that he considers journalists who do not support him as “enemies of the people.” This would not appear to be an ideal time for young journalists to be entering the field.

So what is to be done under these circumstances?

Trying to remain open-minded, unbiased, even neutral about something as critical as witnessing our democracy slip into an autocracy is beyond any challenge to journalistic ethics my generation ever faced. If it comes to that, we’ll have to know where we stand before the point comes when there will be no place left to hide. It will be critical to build close connections with other journalists, young and old, as we work our way through the difficult period ahead.

But our role as journalists is clear.

To tell the truth no matter who might try to silence us.

HEADLINES:

  • Azerbaijan Airlines says plane crashed after ‘external interference’ as questions mount over possible Russian involvement (CNN)

  • Putin apologizes for 'tragic incident' but stops short of saying Azerbaijani plane was shot down (AP)

  • South Korea Impeaches Acting President (WSJ)

  • Israel Loosened Its Rules to Bomb Hamas Fighters, Killing Many More Civilians (NYT)

  • Window closing for Gaza hostage-ceasefire deal before Trump takes office (Axios)

  • China’s Xi orders a stop to a spree of mass killings known as ‘revenge on society crimes’ (AP)

  • Panama's president calls Trump's Chinese canal claim 'nonsense' (BBC)

  • As Mystery Drones Fill Skies, Police and Businesses Want Authority to Take Them Down (WSJ)

  • Dollar Eyes Best Year in Almost a Decade (Bloomberg)

  • US homelessness up 18% as affordable housing remains out of reach for many people (AP)

  • A MAGA ‘Civil War’ on X between Musk and the far right over H-1B visas (WP)

  • MAGA civil war breaks out over American "mediocrity" culture (Axios)

  • A race is on to save the Everglades and protect a key source of drinking water in Florida (AP)

  • Beyond excessive force: How police abuse women, the poor, the homeless (WP)

  • OpenAI defends for-profit shift as critical to sustain humanitarian mission (ArsTechnica)

  • How A.I. Could Reshape the Economic Geography of America (NYT)

  • Horrified Taylor Swift Realizes Football Happens Every Year (The Onion)

 

Tuesday, December 24, 2024

Holiday Times


I’m on a short break, but will return soon. I wish everyone a safe, healthy and peaceful holiday period.

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If you would like to send the ten-part series, “Who Killed Betty Van Patter?” to a friend, just copy the ten links below and paste into an email or text message:

Part One

Part Two

Part Three

Part Four

Part Five

Part Six

Part Seven

Part Eight

Part Nine

Part Ten

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Monday, December 23, 2024

Trouble Returns

One of those bits of common wisdom that bears repetition is that history repeats itself, for better and for worse. Trump’s choice for FBI director is a case in point. Kash Patel has vowed to go after his boss’s perceived enemies, including members of the press. Doesn’t this ring a bell?

Under J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI conducted its notorious Cointelpro operations against activists and others Hoover deemed enemies of the state. Colbert King, writing in the Washington Post, advises us: As you consider Kash Patel, remember J. Edgar Hoover’s Cointelpro.

“Under Cointelpro, the FBI:

  • Sent anonymous fictitious materials to targeted groups, designed to “create dissension and cause disruption.”

  • Leaked informant-based or investigative materials to friendly media sources for the purpose of exposing the nature, aims and membership of those groups.

  • Deployed informants to disrupt such groups’ activities by sowing dissension and exploiting disputes.

  • Informed employers, prospective employers, credit bureaus and creditors of targeted people’s “illegal, immoral, radical and Communist Party activities,” aiming to damage their financial or employment status.

  • Told people that the FBI was “aware” of their activity, with the goal of developing them as informants.”

  • Attempted to persuade religious and civic leaders to exert pressure on state and local governments, employers and landlords to the “detriment” of the targeted groups.

  • Sent anonymous letters, including one to a political candidate alerting him that a targeted group’s members were active in his campaign and warning him not to be a “tool,” and another to a school board official, “purporting to be from a concerned parent,” pointing out that some candidates for the school board were members of a certain group.

  • Furnished background on a candidate for public office, including arrests and questionable marital status, to news media contacts; furnished information concerning arrests of an individual to a court that had earlier given him a suspended sentence and furnished this same information to his employer, which later fired him.

  • Made “an anonymous telephone call to a defense attorney, after a federal prosecution had resulted in a mistrial, advising him (apparently falsely) that one of the defendants and another well-known group individual were FBI informants.”

  • Put out disinformation over “citizens band” radio, using the same frequency as demonstrators.

  • Obtained tax returns of suspect group members, reproduced a group leader’s signature stamp and investigated a group leader’s love life.

This ugly history is why we should pay attention to Patel’s vow to “go after” people. It’s been done before and recovering from those violations of our civil rights took decades. Among the many troubling aspects of the incoming Trump administration, turning back this particular clock is near the top of the list.

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If you want to send the entire ten-part series, “Who Killed Betty Van Patter?” to a friend, just copy the ten links below and paste into an email or text message: 

Part One

Part Two

Part Three

Part Four

Part Five

Part Six

Part Seven

Part Eight

Part Nine

Part Ten

***

HEADLINES:

  • Trump threatens to take back Panama Canal over ‘ridiculous’ fees (Guardian)

  • Trump suggests U.S. should take ownership of Greenland (Axios)

  • What Trump’s decision to wade into spending fight tells us about the next 4 years (AP)

  • He’s anti-democracy and pro-Trump: the obscure ‘dark enlightenment’ blogger influencing the next US administration (Guardian)

  • ‘They were prison camps’: At least 3,100 Native American students died at U.S.-run boarding schools (WP)

  • Deception and Betrayal: Inside the Final Days of the Assad Regime (NYT)

  • The Enigma of Bob Dylan (NYT)

  • Groundbreaking 21-Million Cell Study Revises Our Understanding of Aging (SciTechDaily)

  • The Race to Translate Animal Sounds Into Human Language (Wired)

  • AI predicts Earth's peak warming (Stanford)

  • Data-Driven Predictions of Peak Warming Under Rapid Decarbonization (AGU)

  • OpenAI trained o1 and o3 to ‘think’ about its safety policy (TechCrunch)

  • New Trump Ad Shows Montage Of People He’ll Kill If Elected (The Onion)

Sunday, December 22, 2024

Who Killed Betty Van Patter? (part 10)

One piece of evidence that lay unexamined in the Betty Van Patter case for decades until I asked about it was Betty’s strange note to herself on or about November 1st, 1974: [415] 644-6743 Police.” 

When I spoke to Tamara about it, she noted the way her mother had circled and made a mark next to the notation. She pointed to other examples of this and said it was the way her mother doodled when listening to someone on the phone.

So we concluded that she must have either made or received a call from that particular number.

Tamara then located on the Internet a copy of an old police directory that connected that extension to a Berkeley Police Department Officer named Dave Frederick. She pulled out her own notes from December 19th, 1974, when she first contacted the police, and sure enough, Frederick’s name and extension showed up on that list as well.

In fact, Frederick signed all the early “supplemental reports” during the extensive police hunt for Betty as a missing person. He noted that the department had one contact with Betty in the past, during an arrest of a former boyfriend, when she was charged with disturbing the peace. But he did not mention the phone call from a few weeks before she went missing, or any other recent contact with Betty. 

One of Tamara’s brothers, Greg Baltar, searched and found that Frederick had retired after 29 years at the BPD in 2002 and had died suddenly in 2004, at age 54. 

It was also clear from the files in 1974 that the Berkeley Police were in touch with the U.S. Internal Revenue Service, which was looking into the Panthers’ financial irregularities. (Back in 1969, the IRS had begun targeting the Panthers for intelligence purposes and for uncovering evidence of violations of any tax regulations.)

On December 26, 1974, two weeks after Betty had gone missing, an entry in the police file noted that at least two agents from the IRS were investigating the relevant financial issues — a “Ronald C. Williams S/A (IRS) 273-7255 ‘has the case on the Lamp Post.’ And on March 3rd, 1975: “Fred Walter, IRS, said he was investigating the Lamp Post's books and Jimmie Ward told him the 4th quarter payroll records were missing because they were in the possession of Betty Van Patter.” (The police noted this could not be true because Betty had disappeared before the fourth quarter books could have been closed.) 

So that brings us back to Betty’s mysterious notation. Is it possible that Dave Frederick had called Betty to see whether she knew anything about the Panthers’ financial irregularities and/or whether she might be willing to cooperate with the IRS in its investigation? 

Or could she have called him? Those who knew Betty well maintain that she would never have cooperated with any law enforcement agency against the Panthers so it seems inconceivable that she called them. But it seems quite credible that the police would have called her, hoping to get help in probing the Panther finances. So does that explain her note?

We know from multiple sources that Betty was increasingly upset in the weeks leading up to her disappearance and that she was seeking someone she could talk over her “situation” with. We know she tried to find Tom Silk and that she did talk with Fred Hiestand, who were at the time two of the party’s attorneys. 

We also know that Fred Hiestand told Elaine Brown just two days before Betty disappeared of her concerns about what she’d seen at the Lamp Post, with money taken out of the till and not accounted for.

Then there is the matter of Brown allegedly firing Betty. That Brown lied about the date – claiming it was a week earlier – is obvious – but did she possibly also lie about firing her in the first place? According to Brown herself, Betty had left her a phone message threatening to quit.

It seems more than plausible that while she was sitting at the Berkeley Square on the night of December 13th, Betty thought she could still salvage her job and was waiting to meet someone connected with the Panthers in that effort. It could well have been Brown, or perhaps Jimmie Ward, the owner of the Lamp Post, whom she hoped to meet up with.

The identity of the man who came to the bar and spoke with her has never been established, although the police ran down several leads about who he might have been. Whoever he was, and whatever message he imparted, we know that Betty got up and left with him. Her next known location, from all the known evidence, was the Lamp Post, but that’s where the trail grows cold.

Betty’s daughter, Tamara Baltar, and I met with Alameda County D.A. Tom Orloff on October 22, 1991 to discuss his view of what happened. Orloff said he believed that Betty had gone from the Berkeley Square to the Lamp Post, where she was killed either as “a spontaneous event or it was planned from there.”

But Orloff said he did not have enough evidence to bring charges.

While considering the various scenarios, it occurred to me to be an odd circumstance that the Panthers had changed the lock on the door to the office where Betty had been working in the days after she went missing. Why would they do this if they already had her in their custody? Also, it is noted in the police file that the Panthers knew that Betty had her office keys with her when she disappeared.

Yet the locks were changed anyway. 

So what if “they” (the Panthers) were not acting in concert? Consider another scenario, one that would explain this and some of the other inconsistencies. 

What if, as of the 17th, when Horowitz first contacted her, Elaine Brown did not yet know what had happened to Betty? Elaine Brown is very smart; smart enough to avoid incriminating herself on a phone call that might be (and in fact was) being taped. So her bitter comments about Betty, from one perspective so self-incriminating, might actually have indicated that she was out of the loop in this matter.

At the Lamp Post on the 13th, Betty would have been under the province of Jimmie Ward, a man well-known and feared by those who knew him. Especially women. There is evidence that among Ward’s businesses was a prostitution ring, no doubt generating much of the cash that to Betty’s dismay kept mysteriously finding its way into and out of the bar’s cash register.

Ward had plenty to hide, and Betty represented a potential loose cannon, given her expressed concerns about what she'd witnessed at the bar. What if he, and not Brown, had been the one to summon her that Friday night, possibly without Brown even being aware?

If that is what occurred, then it makes more sense that Brown would have had the locks to Betty’s office changed the following week. 

As she elaborated in her book, Brown believed that Betty knew too much and that she was raising her concerns with Hiestand and others. If she now was missing, she had with her the keys to the office where the party’s sensitive information was kept.

As for the forensic and anecdotal (via David Horowitz’s sources) evidence that Betty was held, and possibly tortured for as long as two weeks before being killed, this would rule out any personal motive and further tie the Panthers to her death. Only the Panthers had a known motive for holding and torturing her. A crime of passion (by her ex-boyfriend Ken Baptiste or someone like him) would not have been carried out in such a fashion.

As to who was calling the shots about her fate, Horowitz and reporters Ken Kelley and Kate Coleman, among others, came to the conclusion that it was Huey Newton, from his base in Havana. Evaluating all of the evidence, I agree with them.

The chain of command could have been Newton to Ward, every bit as easily as it could have been Brown to a member of the 'Squad,' as the Panther security members were often referred to. That was what was suggested by the private investigator David Fechheimer to his mentor, Hal Lipset, and later to the family. In her book, Brown describes taking a phone call from Newton at the Lamp Post, just like the calls -- as she admitted to Coleman -- she received from him frequently at her home number.

Other sources have corroborated that Newton called the Lamp Post whenever he wanted to, dispensing orders for “bad things” to be done. Ward was his cousin, the party funded the bar, Newton killed one of Ward’s brothers in a dispute, and everyone feared the wrath of Huey P. Newton. Including Jimmie Ward, Flores Forbes and Elaine Brown.

But to this day, these various scenarios are just that — scenarios. The case has never been solved. And unless someone who knows the truth comes forward, it will remain that way.

The statute of limitations never runs out on murder.

Afterward

When Betty Van Patter disappeared in 1974, her daughter, Tamara Baltar, was in her early 20s. They’d been very close — losing her mother created a giant hole in Tamara’s life. Even though Betty’s body was eventually recovered, identified and buried, in Tamara’s mind, her mother was still simply missing. There was no closure, no resolution. Just the ongoing anguish of not knowing what exactly had happened or why.

The families of murder victims often feel this way, and it is one of the terrible consequences of unsolved cold cases. And it is why, even after all of these years, if one of those who knows what happened to Betty would come forward, some good could still be done in this tragic matter.

As the decades have passed, Tamara has systematically collected and catalogued every document, report and mention of her mother’s case and organized them into a series of binders. She has generously shared that evidence with me, which has made this 10-part series possible. 

Included in those binders is the autopsy report on her mother’s body. Tamara had never wanted to look at it but a few years ago she finally summoned the courage to do so. What she encountered was a confusing jumble of pages, possibly out of order, filled with technical jargon and containing grainy photographs of what seemed like some sort of design element on the coroner’s forms, possibly Indian artwork — dark, twisted images, vaguely humanoid, from various angles and perspectives.

One image in particular caught her attention and as she stared at it, she very slowly realized that it was a human skull. As the realization washed over her as to what —and who —she was gazing at, she smiled and said softly, “There you are! I’ve finally found you.”

The End

______________________

Part One

Part Two

Part Three

Part Four

Part Five

Part Six

Part Seven

Part Eight

Part Nine

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HEADLINES: